A piece I wrote analysing the power of the American President.
Has the office of the American President has become too powerful?
The office of the President is an area of American politics which has come under much scrutiny and question in the past and equally so today. The President’s powers are often misunderstood as being either too powerful or in some cases too weak. As the President is in sole charge of arguably the world’s greatest superpower, it could be considered that he or she is the world’s most powerful political and economic figure. However, when looking deeper into the specific powers of the presidency and the limits imposed on it by the American Constitution, these thoughts are easily contested. The relative strengths and weaknesses of the President can be assessed by comparing the US system with that of the UK and by looking at the President’s excessive exposure in the media. All these major factors and more will be assessed, before coming to a definitive conclusion.
When looking into the powers of the American Presidency, a case can easily be made that the President is in fact, weak. On the global front, the President of America is seen as one of the single most influential figures in the whole world. Domestically however, there have been many examples where Presidents, or any American politicians or governors, have failed to deliver their promises. In some cases the fault has not been with the leadership but simply the state of the economy or other domestic affairs. Perhaps ironically, the current President Barack Obama is seen at the moment to be failing to deliver his pre-election promises. Ironic because, prior to the 2008 election, Barack Obama seemed to have a wealth of support from all across the political spectrum and seemed to attract the world’s attention as he portrayed a new way forward for America. Leslie writes, “Obama was a vivid embodiment of difference at a time when the country needed something new” (Leslie, 2009, p.21). There were even those from the Republican party of who showed support, they became known as the ‘Obamacans’. Today he is much criticised and recently in the mid-term elections, lost control of the House of Congress to the Republican Party. In February 2009, he signed the ‘American recovery and reinvestment act’, a policy which aimed to help the ever declining economy which has seen many parts of the world plummet into recession. Looking at the election results, this clearly failed to have any effect. Those supporting Obama believe that, following the mid-term elections, one of the reasons for failure was because not enough Americans had seen any changes in the economy. This brings up perhaps the most important factor when arguing for this case. Barack Obama has as much power vested to him as any other previous President. He however, has failed to utilise them to its fullest effect. Ryan Lizza, writing in ‘The New Yorker’ sums up the critical view of Obama and his Presidency so far, when he says,”[Obama] campaigns on reforming a broken political process, yet he has always played politics by the rules as they exist, not as he would like them to exist” (Lizza, 2010).
It could therefore be argued that Obama has not taken significant enough steps to ensure an effective and successful reform of the economic situation. Similar thoughts could also be applied to President Herbert Hoover, who is criticised for his poor handling of the Wall Street Crash of 1929. Bowles says of Hoover, “Herbert Hoover was a moderate, but the Democratic landslide of 1932 swept him from the White House” (Bowles, 1993, p.26). Hoover’s successor Franklin Delano Roosevelt, had great success in dealing with the bad economic situation and used his Presidential powers to good effect. Following the turmoil of the Wall Street crash, he is credited as one of the greatest American presidents of all time, thanks largely to a reforming policy that was both radical and inspiring, the New Deal. Williams says, “In his inauguration speech of 1933 Roosevelt pledged ‘a new deal for the American people’. Since then his proposals for economic recovery have been known as the New Deal. On assuming office Roosevelt summoned Congress on 9th March and it sat for ‘100 days’ in order to enact the provisions of the New Deal” (Williams, 1998, p.20). This shows what can be achieved by a President willing to use all his authority necessary to move the economy forward.
At this time the Presidency could have been seen to be out growing the limits set upon it by the Founding Fathers of the constitution. The Presidency was beginning to dominate Congress, something which the Founding Fathers feared. Though despite the risk of a tyrannical leader, they accepted that to get things done; one sole figure needed ultimate authority. Walt gives his account of the Founding Fathers, “For Americans, the nation’s rise to world power is often portrayed as a direct result of the political genius of the Founding Fathers” (Walt, 2005, p.171). In order to control the Presidency, the Founding Fathers designed a doctrine of a Separation of Powers which divided the government into three parts, the Legislature, the Judiciary and the Executive. American politics then is often seen as simply a notion of compromise between the Presidency and Congress, although Roosevelt’s dominant and extended time in office was in exceptional circumstances.
Furthermore, even today the President can be seen as too powerful, not only because of the single powers vested in him but also by an over exposure in the media. The media drives politics and without it, many successful presidential campaigns would have been severely affected. Obama is perhaps the best example of this. Through the media he was able to construct a fantastic campaign, with television channels broadcasting a thirty minute advertisement for his case. Leslie goes on, “He became a cultural phenomenon in a way few politicians ever do, adorning magazine covers, T-shirts and websites before he’d even announced his candidacy” (Leslie, 2009, p.21). As the media industry grows, politics becomes far more accessible to the public thus further increasing a President’s impact and influence over the electorate. Often the President becomes the figurehead of American politics on the world stage, casting aside other issues.
It is true also that the President does have a vast array of powers consigned to him by the US constitution. He or she can have massive influence in all three branches of the American government, particularly in the legislature. Although the President is not seated in Congress, and cannot directly enforce legislation, the President does of course have influence aplenty over his or her party. This becomes especially useful if the Presidential party has a majority in Congress. He can then also outline legislative proposals in his State of Union Address, which can be very beneficial, giving the President indirect power over the legislature. In the twentieth century Presidents have used this provision to expand the legislative role of the presidency (Williams, 1998). It is the power of veto however, which is considered to be one of the most useful legislative powers the President has. Indeed, Roosevelt used this tactic six hundred and thirty five times in his time as President, further proof either that a truly powerful Presidency can exist or simply that politics were much more unstable at the time.
Clearly, where the President wields most power is within the Executive as, to a point, he is the sole executive figure. He does also however, have a presidential cabinet of which the members are chosen, thereby removed from congress if they were previously members and can be consulted on any important issues the president has. Unlike in the UK though, the president has full control over his or her cabinet and can overrule its decisions. The cabinet members then are seen merely as close advisors in their respective quarters and policy is rarely discussed. Bowles states, “Of all the politicians who sit around the table in the White House Cabinet room, only the President has an electoral base” (Bowles, 1993, p.103). Therefore, in contrast to UK cabinet politics, there is no notion of a collective responsibility. Crucially then, the President can make big decisions without cabinet approval. This also means that he has sole control over the armed forces and is deemed the Commander in Chief. This war power gives the President the authority to command US armed forces (Williams, 1998). In times of war the President ultimately has control over military strategy and foreign policy which could lead to crucial treaty negotiations. The President also has significant powers within the Judiciary as he can appoint federal judges to both the Supreme Court and Court of Appeals. This would not be without purpose, as this enables the President to shape the ideological nature of the Judiciary to his benefit. Williams outlines a way in which the President can therefore gain power over the constitution, “The Supreme Court is able to review the work of the other branches of government and, in so doing, becomes the interpreter of the Constitution” (Williams, 1998, p.95).
However, the President falls victim to many constitutional and congressional restrictions. The power of the Presidency can easily be questioned and is often not as powerful as first perceived. Although he has a crucial role to play in all three branches of government, the office of the American President has many checks and balances on it which can limit its role. In the Judiciary for example, the Presidents appointments first have to be ratified by the Senate before it can become official. Furthermore a court can damage a President and negate a particular activity (Watts, 2005). In the legislature, it is Congress which proposes and passes bills not the President. Even the Presidential Veto can be overridden by a two-thirds majority in Congress. Watts says, “The President needs congressional support, and in the more assertive mood of Congress in recent years’ incumbents have found this difficult to achieve even with their own party in control” (Watts, 2005, p.82). The Presidents executive powers are not complete either. Although the President is the Commander in Chief of the armed forces, he cannot declare war without the approval of Congress nor can he sign treaties without the Senate’s approval. Perhaps the most crucial weakness the President has is that he can be impeached and ultimately removed from office. The impeachment process must be brought by a majority vote in the House of Representatives (Williams, 1998). This has happened on two relatively recent occasions, in 1868 though Andrew Johnson was acquitted by the Senate and in 1974 when Richard Nixon resigned, allowing the impeachment process to stop (Williams, 1998). So although the President is powerful and is intended to be, he or she is relatively well restricted by Congress. This is exactly the type of framework the Founding Fathers intended to set out.
To conclude, many see the President of the United States of America as perhaps the most powerful single figure in world politics. The office of the President has many powers on the global front and much authority over other countries and its own. Furthermore, the President has many significant influences in the three branches of government, the Judiciary, the Legislature and of course the Executive. This is the way the Founding fathers intended the powers of the President to be. It could be argued however, that on many occasions the office of the American President has overreached its power and has begun to dominate, not just congress, but the media and other global affairs. In my opinion though, the Presidency is far too restricted by the vision the Founding Fathers set out in the constitution. There are a series of checks and balances on his political powers and although the media has sometimes meant the President is allowed much influence, this is a far cry from a dictatorship or authoritarian rule. The media can both make or break politicians based on their performance and as such, the Presidents control is only as good as he or she can justify. Ultimately the office of the American Presidency is not too powerful as the American Constitution is sovereign.
Bibliography
Nigel Bowles, (1993), The Government and Politics of The United States, Hampshire: THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD.
Ian Leslie, (2009), To Be President, London: Politico’s Publishing.
Ryan Lizza, (2010), The Political Scene: Making It [Online], Available at: http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2008/07/21/080721fa_fact_lizza?currentPage=15
Stephen M. Walt, (2005), Taming American Power, First Edition, London: W. W. Norton & Company Ltd.
Duncan Watts, (2005), Understanding American Government and Politics, Second Edition, Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Andy Williams, (1998), US Government & Politics, Second Edition, Oxford: Heinemann Educational Publishers.